By Tim Bradner
What’s significant about the state 2018 state elections wasn’t who got elected – Alaskans have seen Republican governors and Republican-led Legislatures before – but rather how much of the campaign centered on how big the Permanent Fund Dividend will be.
Instead of talking about challenges facing our state government – how to improve schools, slow the growth of health care costs, or how to pay for the $2 billion backlog of maintenance on state facilities – the candidates focused how much cash the state could give away. And this is in a time when Alaska’s finances are still precarious.
In 2015 the state’s revenues were took a nosedive after oil prices collapsed. Alaska’s oil revenues dropped from about $5 billion to $1 billion that year. It was a scary time. To preserve cash Gov. Bill Walker vetoed part of a $1.4 billion appropriation for the PFD, trimming it to $700 million. That cut the dividend amount, of course, and voters noticed. As governor, Walker took responsibility for his veto. Legislators did same thing the following year, reducing the PFD by about the same amount through an appropriation action in the budget.
As 2018 approached candidates in the elections were quick to take advantage of this with promises to “fully fund” the PFD. Commitments were made not only to fully fund future PFDs but to go back and refund amounts that would have been paid over the last three years. These promises were made without fully reckoning the costs, but voters now expect them to be fulfilled. The amount of money involved is substantial.
According to estimates from the state Office of Budget Management, if the state were to send out a supplemental PFD payment for the current year and the previous two years, the check would amount to $3,701 per recipient at a cost of $2.4 billion.
The money would be taken from the Permanent Fund’s Earnings Reserve, the same account we now depend on to partly support our state budget.
Some background: “Fully funding” the PFD refers to a state law that guides how the PFD amount is to be calculated. That’s if there is a PFD, and the money is available.
This is important. The statute doesn’t guarantee a dividend, it only says how the payment is to be calculated. Essentially, it’s about half of the Permanent Fund’s cash income averaged over the previous five years.
Most Alaskans are confused about this and the campaign talk this year didn’t help. Under our state Constitution only the Legislature can appropriate funds (not the governor) and legislators can vary the amount. They can follow the statute (“fully” funding), appropriate less or even more. It’s totally up to them. The PFD is only a line item in the state budget, no more important than funding for education, state troopers or fish and game management. The Legislature has to decide among these budget items.
What’s important is that we only have a finite amount of income. If we spend more on dividend, following the formula in the statute, there’s less available for traditional public services, schools, troopers and so forth.
Of course, we can always raise taxes. We could enact a personal income tax or raise oil and gas taxes to get new revenue to offset the higher PFD. But if we don’t want to do that the choice is a higher PFD or cuts to public services.
The money involved is considerable, too. That’s why elected officials may come to regret easy promises made during the campaigns.
What’s needed is a discussion of what the PFD really is. Do we want it to be an entitlement, like Social Security? Many now look on it as an entitlement. Or should it be something that mainly helps lower income and middle-lower income Alaskans?
Many Alaskans use their PFDs for basic necessities and many save it for college tuitions, and those are worthy uses. There’s a darker side, too, however. Alcohol-related violence and domestic abuse tend to spike at PFD time, when checks are distributed in the fall.
More affluent Alaskans, upper middle income and upper income, often say they don’t need the PFD. A lot of these dividends are spent on vacations, or simply saved. That is money that doesn’t enter the economy.
Maybe we should have a means test, which is commonly used for many public safety-net programs, so that people in certain income categories get the PFD. This would leave more money available to support public services.
This conversation needs to happen because if we do “fully fund” the PFD in the future the funds lost to the state budget will get large, about $1.2 billion a year by 2023 according to the OMB. That’s as much as we spend to support K-12 education.
The dividend will grow, of course. By 2023 it would be $3,760 per recipient and growing. For a family of five, that $18,800 per year. A dividend that large could really start to attract people to move to Alaska just to get the dividend. Under the state’s residency rules, which have been upheld by the courts, we can’t deny their eligibility.
Interesting, and challenging, questions. Our politicians may regret having made some of these promises.
Tim Bradner is co-publisher of the Alaska Legislative Digest and Alaska Economic Report